Elsevier

Computers in Human Behavior

Volume 16, Issue 1, 31 January 2000, Pages 13-29
Computers in Human Behavior

Incidence and correlates of pathological Internet use among college students

https://doi.org/10.1016/S0747-5632(99)00049-7Get rights and content

Abstract

This study surveyed 277 undergraduate Internet users, a population considered to be high risk for pathological Internet use (PIU), to assess incidence of PIU as well as characteristics of the Internet and of users associated with PIU. Pathological use was determined by responses to 13 questions which assessed evidence that Internet use was causing academic, work or interpersonal problems, distress, tolerance symptoms, and mood-altering use of the Internet. Approximately one-quarter of students (27.2%) reported no symptoms (NO) while 64.7% reported one to three symptoms (Limited Symptoms) and 8.1% reported four or more symptoms (PIU). Based on popular stereotypes as well as previous research, it was predicted that pathological Internet users would more likely be males, technologically sophisticated, use real-time interactive activities such as online games and chat lines, and feel comfortable and competent online. Further, it was hypothesized that pathological users would be more likely to be lonely and to be socially disinhibited online. Partial confirmation of this model was obtained. Pathological users were more likely to be males and to use online games as well as technologically sophisticated sites, but there was no difference in Internet Relay Chat use. Although reported comfort and competence with the Internet was in the expected direction, differences were not significant. Pathological users scored significantly higher on the UCLA Loneliness Scale, and were socially disinhibited online.

Introduction

A decade ago, Internet access was limited to a select group of scientists, engineers, and mathematicians. Currently, about 150 million individuals worldwide use the Internet, with 20–30% of adults in the USA having online access (NUA, 1998). The rapid growth of the Internet has been accompanied by questions about its impact, both positive and negative, on society and users. One recurring concern involves ‘Internet addicts’, whose Internet usage has become excessive, out of control, and severely disrupts their lives. Many reports of Internet abuse first appeared in the popular press, citing anecdotal evidence (e.g. O'Neill, 1995, Rheingold, 1993, Sandberg, 1997). Research on Internet abuse is limited and has been confined to online studies of self-reported ‘Internet addicts’ (Brenner, 1997, Egger, 1996, Thompson, 1996, Young, 1996, Young, 1997a, Young, 1997b, Young and Rodgers, 1998), and two off-line studies of undergraduates (Anderson, 1988, Scherer, 1997).

This paper describes results of a study which surveyed 277 undergraduate Internet users, a population considered to be high risk for pathological Internet use (PIU), to assess incidence of PIU, as well as characteristics of the Internet and of users associated with PIU.

Based on popular stereotypes (e.g. O'Neill, 1995, Rheingold, 1993) as well as previous research on computer attitudes and hackers (Shotten, 1991, Turkle, 1984, Turkle, 1995), it was predicted that pathological Internet users were more likely to be males, technologically sophisticated, use real-time interactive activities such as online games and chat lines, and feel comfortable and competent online. Further, it was hypothesized that pathological users would be more likely to be lonely and find Internet communication socially liberating in that they are more friendly and open online.

Most individuals use the Internet without negative consequences and benefit from use. However, for some, use becomes misuse when it causes problems in the their lives. Misuse often is accompanied by guilt, craving, and attempts to hide or reduce time online. Those who misuse the Internet often turn to the Internet to alter moods when they feel down, anxious or isolated. Thus, pathological Internet use is not a function of time online, but of disturbances in one's life as a result of Internet use. There are no standardized criteria for pathological use of the Internet. In fact, there is no accepted name for the phenomenon. Some have referred to it as Internet addiction (Egger, 1996, Thompson, 1996, Young, 1996), while others have referred to it as Internet dependency (Anderson, 1988, Scherer, 1997).

The current study uses the term “Pathological Internet Use” (PIU) to describe disturbed patterns of Internet use. PIU is defined in terms of Internet use which causes a specified number of symptoms, including mood-altering use of the Internet, failure to fulfil major role obligations, guilt, and craving.

With the exception of Anderson (1998) and Scherer (1997), earlier studies of pathological Internet use have been limited by their sampling techniques, which consisted of online solicitation of self-described ‘Internet addicts’, often on sites for Internet or other addicts (Brenner, 1997, Egger, 1996, Thompson, 1996, Young, 1996, Young, 1997a, Young, 1997b, Young and Rodgers, 1998). These studies are biased by over-representation of more pathological users. For example, two online studies reported 74 and 80% of participants met the criteria for Internet addiction (Thompson, 1996, Young, 1996). The current study sought to establish the incidence and correlates of pathological use of the Internet in a non-self-selected real-life environment. College students were chosen because they have access to the Internet, and therefore are more likely to be Internet users than other populations. They may be at higher risk of developing pathological use patterns. College-aged students, especially males, are the heaviest users of the Internet and also comprise a large percentage of users of Internet sites such as Internet games, commonly called MUDs (Multiple User Domains), which are widely used by Internet abusers (Kraut et al., 1996, Turkle, 1995).

In the current study, patterns of Internet use were established in three areas: specific types of sites used by respondents, reasons for use, and attitudes and behaviors associated with Internet use. The predicted model hypothesized that games and chatrooms or Internet Relay Chats (IRCs) were more likely to be used by pathological users. It also predicted that pathological users would be more likely to use a greater number of sites as well as more technologically sophisticated sites such as Remote Support Communication software and File Transfer Protocols (FTPs).

Additionally, the model predicted that pathological Internet users would differ from non-pathological users in the reasons that they use the Internet. Specifically, it predicted that pathological users would be more likely than others to use the Internet for more reasons overall and to use the Internet recreationally (relaxing, gambling, playing games, wasting time, using adult-only resources, for virtual reality), socially with non-real-life contacts (meeting new people, talking to others with same interests, sharing ideas or fantasies), and for emotional support.

No difference between pathological users and others was expected in use of the Internet for communicating with real-life contacts. Therefore, it was predicted that there would be no difference in e-mail use or use of the Internet for communication with friends and family. Also, it was predicted that there would be no differences between pathological users and others in school and work-related use (required course work, course research, work, job search).

The study also examined Internet behaviors and attitudes. Consistent with the model of PIU among the technologically sophisticated, it predicted that pathological Internet users would feel more competent and comfortable online than others would. Additionally, it was predicted that altered communication patterns made possible online would distinguish pathological use. Specifically, it predicted that, compared to others, pathological users would enjoy the anonymity available online, and become disinhibited socially. This would enhance more prosocial behavior online than in real life as well as greater openness and reliance on online friends.

Finally, consistent with the model of computer hackers (Shotten, 1991, Turkle, 1984, Turkle, 1995), it was hypothesized that pathological users would be lonelier than others would.

Section snippets

Participants and procedure

Two-hundred and eighty-three undergraduates in courses requiring Internet use were surveyed in class. Of these, 277 (97.88%) had Internet experience and were included in the study; 150 (54.15%) were male and 127 (45.85%) were female. The sample included 39 (14.1%) freshmen, 52 (18.8%) sophomores, 94 (33.9%) juniors, and 92 (33.2%) seniors. The average age of the participants was 20.72 years (SD=2.35). Participants had used the Internet for an average of 20.08 months (SD=13.8) and reported

Incidence

Table 1 presents the 13 questions used to assess pathological use and the percentage of participants who agreed with each question. No symptoms (NO) were reported by 74 (27.2%) students while 177 (64.7%) reported one to three symptoms (Limited Symptoms) and 22 (8.1%) reported four or more symptoms and were considered pathological Internet users.

Time online and age

No difference was found between the three groups in the time since they had first gone online (F[2,256]=0.22, p=0.81) or their age (F[2,265]=1.00, p

Discussion

For some individuals, using the Internet can seriously interrupt their lives. College students have been considered at high risk for developing Internet-related problem behavior because they have ready access to the Internet and flexible time schedules (Moore, 1995). Additionally, Internet activities such as game playing may be recreational and provide escape while serving developmental needs by allowing role playing, autonomy, and mastery (Bruckman, 1992, Turkle, 1994, Turkle, 1995). Although

Conclusions

This study provides evidence that use of the Internet can lead to problems in users' lives even among those who use the Internet far less than Internet addicts described in other studies. It also provides a profile of how these college-aged users differ from others in terms of how they use the Internet and their behavior and attitudes online. Changed social interaction patterns as well as the escapism, altered states of consciousness, and mastery made possible by the Internet emerge as

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    Portions of this paper were presented at the 105th Convention of the American Psychological Association, August 1997, Chicago, IL. J. Morahan-Martin and P. Schumacher contributed equally to this manuscript.

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